Thanks to John R.

Thanks to Kate B.
Throughout the last few years I’ve emphasized to my teammates at Citizen University that we must not let everything in civic life get nationalized — that we must help our network of CU catalysts practice humanity and civic power and civic character in the local relational contexts of the places where they live.
But I know that is increasingly difficult. The assassination of Charlie Kirk this week was terrible in its own right — no one should be murdered for their views and political action. It is dangerous also because it may now accelerate the nationalizing and literal weaponizing of our politics, the dehumanizing of opponents, the hardening of everyone’s hearts.
So, with my team today and now with this wider ecosystem, I do come back to my original emphasis, with a variation. We can and must help people “live like a citizen” wherever they live — to practice how to see, feel, hear, serve the people around them in their full complex humanity. But more than ever now, to sense the pain around them. And neither we nor they can be preferential about our pain-sensing. A kind of pain has led millions of people to follow Kirk. A kind of pain has led someone to take Kirk’s life. A kind of pain is pulsing through cities where people fear their own government and their neighbors. There are so many other kinds of pain making our politics tumultuous in every quarter, shaping how people show up or don’t in the lives of their towns and neighborhoods.
The “habits of heart and mind” that inform our programs and projects at CU — that keep a community from disintegrating — are not just about the sensing. They are also about inviting each other to convert what we sense and feel into what we do and choose: build or destroy, heal or scorn. There are ways to relieve pain that involve inflicting it on others, and there are ways to relieve pain that involve solving problems with others, making sense of things together, and in the process making each other more wholly human.
That choice is not just for the day after a headline-making act of political violence, and not just on 9/11 + 24. It’s not only about partisan or ideological divides. Making that choice doesn’t require the permission of some prominent leader or influencer. It doesn’t require me or you to validate views we don’t like. Nor does it invite us to be the savior of people we think are benighted, nor imply that we have surrendered naively to them. We recommit to humanizing habits to save ourselves, our own civic souls, and simply out of the other deep principle we teach at CU — that society becomes how you behave.
I know it’s hard, and it’s probably going to get harder. We’ve got to keep at it, with heart and courage. We truly have no choice. If we are to live together we must choose to live, together. And to show others that it is possible.
– Eric
Thanks to Mary Lou P.
Aaron S. Kesselheim is a primary care physician, lawyer, and professor of medicine at Harvard with expertise in pharmacoepidemiology and pharmacoeconomics.
Pharmaceutical ads in the United States are annoying. Absurd. And almost uniquely American.
In fact, only one other high-income country in the entire world—New Zealand—allows prescription drug companies to advertise directly to consumers. Everyone else has decided the downsides aren’t worth it. So why hasn’t the U.S. stopped them?
From the get-go, RFK Jr. has named eliminating pharmaceutical ads as one of his goals. And believe it or not, I’m with him on this one. (Gasp!) But can the administration actually take action? They think they can. Yesterday, a new executive memo and an accompanying FDA press release claimed to step up enforcement against drug ads.
Here are answers to the top 9 questions.
But in the 1980s, the FDA decided that wasn’t exactly true. The agency concluded that drug ads were legal as long as they included a “brief summary” of the FDA-approved drug label. That’s when glossy magazine ads took off—big splashy photos on one page, with tiny print summarizing risks on the next.
In 1997, the FDA made another pivotal change: on TV and radio, drug makers no longer needed the entire summary. Instead, they could provide a “major statement” of key risks. That’s the moment the modern era of pharmaceutical commercials began.
But ads do shape what drugs patients ask for, and those tend to be the most expensive ones.
Generic manufacturers rarely advertise because they face what economists call the “free rider” problem. Multiple companies make the same generic pill. If you ask your doctor for a generic, your pharmacy will give you whichever version is in stock, not a specific brand. That means an ad from one generic company might boost sales for its competitors, too. Why bother?
As a result, nearly all drug ads are for costly brand-name drugs. That means patients who respond to ads often end up paying for these expensive drugs, even when a cheaper, equally effective generic or even a non-drug treatment exists.
Figure from Medical Marketing in the United States, 1997-2016 in JAMA. Source here.
Another study found that fewer than one-third of the most common drugs featured in direct-to-consumer television advertising were rated as having high added value for patients.
On top of that, drug ads must provide “fair balance,” meaning the positives and negatives have to both be presented. In practice, this usually means the first half of the commercial shows people frolicking on beaches, while the second half is a dizzying recital of warnings.
The FDA’s Office of Prescription Drug Promotion (OPDP) is supposed to make sure ads are accurate, not misleading, and fairly balanced. But here’s the catch: companies don’t have to submit ads for approval before airing them. When OPDP does find problematic ads, it’s often months after they’ve gone public.
And what counts as “misleading” isn’t always straightforward. Take an ad that promotes a new sleep medicine that helps people “fall asleep quickly.” That sounds impressive until you learn that in the trial leading to the drug’s FDA approval, patients taking the drug fell asleep within 30 minutes, while people taking placebo fell asleep within 45 minutes. Not a big difference. Is the ad technically misleading? Hard to say.
Psychology complicates things further. Studies show that when drug risks are read aloud while soothing images play in the background, viewers are distracted from the serious information. The ad meets the rules, but the impact on patients is another story.
On one hand, drug ads increase prescribing of the featured medicines. One can imagine a case in which that is good. Patients who might otherwise suffer in silence, for example with erectile dysfunction or depression, might be encouraged to start conversations with their doctors. In theory, ads can empower people to seek treatment for stigmatized conditions.
On the other hand, ads can drive “over-prescribing.” If a patient walks into the doctor’s office and asks for a drug by name, studies show they’re more likely to get it, even if a different approach might have been better. This has raised concerns about ads fueling unnecessary or inappropriate use, especially for conditions like adult ADHD, dry eyes, or adjustment disorder.
The truth is, drug ads are a mixed bag. They can open doors to care but likely, more often than not, encourage expensive and even unnecessary prescriptions.
The biggest is the First Amendment. A ban on drug ads would have to be defended in court, since pharmaceutical companies would immediately sue to overturn the ban. But the Supreme Court has interpreted the First Amendment’s protection of freedom of speech to cover commercial entities, even though businesses are not people. Unfortunately, changing the courts’ current perspectives on commercial speech is hard to envision short of a Constitutional amendment that clarified that corporations are not people and do not deserve similar speech protections.
So, if not a ban—and in the absence of a voluntary agreement by the drug companies to stop advertising—the government could try to regulate drug ads more tightly. For example, the FDA could create rules about their content or where and when they can be shown. Online ads, in particular, may have features that make them prone to misinterpretation—for instance, how risk information is displayed or how distracting design elements (like autoplay videos or pop-ups) might affect understanding. The FDA could try to identify such situations and establish rules to address them. Congress could also provide more resources and authority to the FDA to spot problematic ads quickly and remove them from circulation.
The pharmaceutical industry has the most powerful and well-resourced lobbying organization in Washington D.C. It has historically opposed any efforts that would restrict manufacturers’ ability to advertise broadly because, as noted above, drug ads help brand-name manufacturers make money. The industry has provided substantial funds over the years to many of the legislators and helped elect presidents who have defined the FDA’s agenda and funding.
Key steps included in the directive are:
Stricter enforcement: The FDA reportedly plans to issue about 100 cease-and-desist letters and “thousands” of warning letters about drug ads.
Closing a loophole: In their major statements of drug risks, TV and radio ads have long been allowed to list only the “most important” risks if they point viewers to a website or phone number for more details. The administration says this “adequate provision” rule isn’t sufficient and wants more risks spelled out directly in the ads, even if it makes them a little bit longer.
Expanding oversight: Regulators are being directed to pay closer attention to how drug ads appear on social media platforms.
The impact of these moves will likely be limited. Warning letters nearly always just result in the company withdrawing or adjusting the advertisement without any fines or additional penalties—oftentimes months after the ad has already been widely disseminated. With recent cuts to the personnel and budget at the FDA, consistent and aggressive oversight of social media will also be hard to sustain. The directive does not even try to provide details about the so-called expanded oversight, such as essential guidelines about what should and should not be permitted in social media advertising of drugs. Such details have been needed for many years (and still do)!
Bottom line
Drug ads are a limited and inherently problematic way to inform people about prescription drugs. We need to do a much better job of empowering patients to get the medical care they need and to educate patients about the true benefits and risks of prescription drugs in an unbiased way.
Whether this ever changes will depend not just on one administration, but on how we as a country decide to balance corporate power, commercial speech, and the health of our citizens.
Love, YLE and AK
By CAROLYN KASTER (thanks to Pam P.)
CHICAGO (AP) — Thousands of protesters marched in Chicago on Saturday against U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement and President Donald Trump’s plan to send National Guard troops and immigration agents to the city.
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This is a photo gallery curated by AP photo editors.
Hope you got go to Eric Barnes’ presentation today. Love the lyrics to this song! I’ll try to post a few more including Piano Man. Let me know your favorites! (Also I hope we can get an upgraded sound system in the MBR. It’s so badly needed!). Sorry to learn that Joel has been diagnosed with normal pressure hydrocephalus. We wish him well. What a talent!
Some researchers suspect that rising prescription drug use may explain a disturbing trend.
Ed Note: At your next doctor visit, consider asking them whether any of your medications (prescription or over-the-counter) many be related to increased risk of falling.
By Paula Span in the NYT (thanks to MaryLou P.)
For a while, walking the dog felt hazardous.
Earl Vickers was accustomed to taking Molly, his shepherd-boxer-something-else mix, for strolls on the beach or around his neighborhood in Seaside, Calif. A few years ago, though, he started to experience problems staying upright.
“If another dog came toward us, every single time I’d end up on the ground,” recalled Mr. Vickers, 69, a retired electrical engineer. “It seemed like I was falling every other month. It was kind of crazy.”
Most of those tumbles did no serious damage, though one time he fell backward and hit his head on a wall behind him. “I don’t think I had a concussion, but it’s not something I want to do every day,” Mr. Vickers said, ruefully. Another time, trying to break a fall, he broke two bones in his left hand.
So in 2022, he told the oncologist who had been treating him for prostate cancer that he wanted to stop the cancer drug he had been taking, off and on, for four years: enzalutamide (sold as Xtandi).
Among the drug’s listed side effects are higher rates of falls and fractures among patients who took it, compared with those given a placebo. His doctor agreed that he could discontinue the drug, and “I haven’t had a single fall since,” Mr. Vickers said.
Public health experts have warned of the perils of falls for older people for decades. In 2023, the most recent year of data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, more than 41,000 Americans over 65 died from falls, an opinion article in JAMA Health Forum pointed out last month.
More startling than that figure, though, was another statistic: Fall-related mortality among older adults has been climbing sharply. (continued on Page 2 or here)
From GoodGoodGood – thanks to Pam P. (Ed note: Is this perhaps a new way to worship?)
St. John’s Lutheran Church has sat on a downtown corner of Madison, Wisconsin — just three blocks from the state Capitol — for nearly 170 years.
But its leaders are now working to demolish it.
“St. John’s has always been a place focused on refuge, serving the poor, and meeting people where they are,” the church’s pastor, Rev. Peter Beeson, said in a fundraising video.
“Today, we’re looking at adapting our building in the most audacious way yet: by tearing it down to build 110 units of affordable housing, plus worship and community space.”

In the place of the old building will be a brand-new 10-story redevelopment, as Beeson described, home to a new worship space, offices, community spaces, and over 100 mostly low-income apartments, with a parking garage underneath.
The idea came about from conversations around how the congregation could best give back to the community, and now the $58 million project is about to break ground, with the goal to be completed in the next two years.
“We were realizing more and more people were struggling with finding housing,” Beeson recently told Wisconsin Public Radio. “And if they were able to find housing, were paying 50, 60, 70% of their income for housing costs.” (continue on page 2 or here)
Commentary by Heather Cox Richardson
Today President Donald J. Trump signed an executive order to rename the Department of Defense as the Department of War, although the 1947 abandonment of the Department of War name was not simply a matter of substituting a new name for the original one. In 1947, to bring order and efficiency to U.S. military forces, Congress renamed the Department of War as the Department of the Army, then brought it, together with the Department of the Navy and a new Department of the Air Force, into a newly established “National Military Establishment” overseen by the secretary of defense.
In 1949, Congress replaced the National Military Establishment name, whose initials sounded unfortunately like “enemy,” with Department of Defense. The new name emphasized that the Allied Powers of World War II would join together to focus on deterring wars by standing against offensive wars launched by big countries against their smaller neighbors. Although Trump told West Point graduates this year that “[t]he military’s job is to dominate any foe and annihilate any threat to America, anywhere, anytime, and any place,” in fact, the stated mission of the Department of Defense is “to provide the military forces needed to deter war and ensure our nation’s security.”
As Amanda Castro and Hannah Parry of Newsweek note, in August, Trump said he wanted the change because “Defense is too defensive…we want to be offensive too if we have to be.” By law, Congress must approve the change, which Politico estimates will cost billions of dollars, although Trump said: “I’m sure Congress will go along if we need that. I don’t think we even need that.” By this evening, nameplates and signage bearing the new name had gone up in government offices and the URL for the Defense Department website had been changed to war [dot] gov.
Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth has pushed the change because he sees it as part of his campaign to spread a “warrior ethos” at the Pentagon. Today he said the name change was part of “restoring intentionality to the use of force…. We’re going to go on offense, not just on defense. Maximum lethality, not tepid legality, violent effect, not politically correct. We’re going to raise up warriors, not just defenders. So this War Department, Mr. President, just like America, is back.”
In 1947, when the country dropped the “War Department” name, the chief of staff of the U.S. Army—the highest-ranking officer on active duty—was five-star general Dwight D. Eisenhower. It is unusual for anyone to suggest that Eisenhower, who led the Allied troops in World War II, was insufficiently committed to military strength. Indeed, the men who changed the name to “Defense Department” and tried to create a rules-based international order did so precisely because war was not a game to them. Having seen the carnage of war not just on the battlefield but among civilians who faced firebombing, death camps, homelessness, starvation, and the obscenity of atomic weapons, they hoped to find a way to make sure insecure, power-hungry men could not start another war easily.
The Movement Conservatives who took over the Republican Party in the 1980s leaned heavily on a mythologized image of the American cowboy as a strong, independent individual who wanted nothing from the government but to be left alone. That image supported decades of attacks on the modern government as “socialism,” and it has now metastasized in the MAGA movement to suggest that the men in charge of the government should be able to do whatever they want.
Just what that looks like was made clear on Wednesday when the Trump administration launched a strike on a boat carrying 11 civilians it claimed were smuggling drugs. Covering the story, the New York Times reported that “Pentagon officials were still working Wednesday on what legal authority they would tell the public was used to back up the extraordinary strike in international waters.” (continued on page 2 or here)
By Daily Actions on September 5, 2025 (thanks to Mary M.)
Donald Trump and Dr. Oz want to let Artificial Intelligence (AI) choose which procedures Medicare will cover for individual patients — with AI companies being paid based on how much money they save by denying people’s coverage.
Donald Trump and Dr. Oz* are rolling out a pilot program to fundamentally change Medicare. They want to require senior citizens to get prior authorization for some healthcare services, and here’s the kicker: Artificial Intelligence (AI) gets to decide whether medical care is approved or not. Medicare plans to pay them a share of the savings generated from rejections. AI companies would directly profit from denying needed care to seniors.
These for-profit AI Death Panels will roll out this January in six pilot states: Arizona, New Jersey, Ohio, Oklahoma, Texas, and Washington. It is a first step towards privatizing Medicare.
ACTION: Use the link to send a message to Congress, tell them to oppose this grift.
https://act.indivisible.org/sign/trump-oz-medicare-ai/
A pilot program in six states [including Washington State] will use a tactic employed by private insurers that has been heavily criticized for delaying and denying medical care.
By Reed Abelson and Teddy Rosenbluth in the NYT (thanks to Mary M.)
Like millions of older adults, Frances L. Ayres faced a choice when picking health insurance: Pay more for traditional Medicare, or opt for a plan offered by a private insurer and risk drawn-out fights over coverage.
Private insurers often require a cumbersome review process that frequently results in the denial or delay of essential treatments that are readily covered by traditional Medicare. This practice, known as prior authorization, has drawn public scrutiny, which intensified after the murder of a UnitedHealthcare executive last December.
Ms. Ayres, a 74-year-old retired accounting professor, said she wanted to avoid the hassle that has been associated with such practices under Medicare Advantage, which are private plans financed by the U.S. government. Now, she is concerned she will face those denials anyway.
The Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services plans to begin a pilot program that would involve a similar review process for traditional Medicare, the federal insurance program for people 65 and older as well as for many younger people with disabilities. The pilot would start in six states next year, including Oklahoma, where Ms. Ayres lives.
The federal government plans to hire private companies to use artificial intelligence to determine whether patients would be covered for some procedures, like certain spine surgeries or steroid injections. Similar algorithms used by insurers have been the subject of several high-profile lawsuits, which have asserted that the technology allowed the companies to swiftly deny large batches of claims and cut patients off from care in rehabilitation facilities.
The A.I. companies selected to oversee the program would have a strong financial incentive to deny claims. Medicare plans to pay them a share of the savings generated from rejections.
The government said the A.I. screening tool would focus narrowly on about a dozen procedures, which it has determined to be costly and of little to no benefit to patients. Those procedures include devices for incontinence control, cervical fusion, certain steroid injections for pain management, select nerve stimulators and the diagnosis and treatment of impotence.
Abe Sutton, the director of the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Innovation, said that the government would not review emergency services or hospital stays.
Mr. Sutton said the government experiment would examine practices that were particularly expensive or potentially harmful to patients. “This is what prior authorization should be,” he said. (continued on Page 2 or here)
Thanks to Mary Jane F.
Friday, September 5, 2025 8:00 PM ET
As we speak, President Trump has deployed thousands of National Guard troops, federal agents, and local police forces to the streets of D.C. to target Black and Brown residents, immigrants, and unhoused people — all in an effort to expand his power and sow fear in our communities.
This militarization is about control, not safety. And now they’re threatening to target people exercising their First Amendment right to protest.
Unfortunately, this is likely just the beginning as the Trump administration has threatened to deploy military troops into other beloved American cities like Chicago, Baltimore and New York City.
We want to make sure you know your rights when protesting this extreme abuse of power by the administration. Join ACLU People Power’s Know Your Rights Training on 9/5 at 8 PM ET to get prepared before you take action.
WHAT: ACLU People Power’s Know Your Rights Training
WHEN: Friday, September 5th at 8 PM ET
Hosted By: ACLU National
This is our home. This is our community. These are our streets. We will defend them together.
Register now to make sure you Know Your Rights before you take action.
Thanks to Ann M. (Ed. note: Maybe Russell will speak here some day! Can anyone else beat this cousin story? And yes, keep your boots on!)
After a career in home building, my Texas cousin Russell Eppright now manufacturers “top drive” hunting vehicles with compartments for guns, dogs, beer, etc. He poses with rattlesnakes on his ranch.


Organizers in the north-central Washington Republican stronghold want to call attention to how recent cuts could hurt the region’s poorest residents.

Mai Hoang Sep 2, 2025 in Crosscut
One recent Saturday morning, Twisp was full of activity, typical for the region’s peak tourist season.
People in bathing suits ready to raft on the Methow River. Shoppers getting fresh produce at the Twisp Farmers Market. Others gathered in Twisp Works, a community hub that offers a mix of retail, eateries, art and public green space.
At the corner of State Route 20 and South Glover Street, about 150 people gathered for what’s become routine for the community: a protest over President Donald Trump’s policies. Aug. 23 marked the 27th consecutive Saturday protest.
Despite living in a Trump stronghold, Okanogan County residents have been able to sustain several months of regular demonstrations and other activities protesting the first half-year of the president’s second term.
These Okanogan County protesters hope to connect with others with similar concerns, and also to be heard by those with differing viewpoints.

Okanogan County, which borders Canada, is the state’s largest county by area — at more than 5,300 square miles, nearly equal to the state of Connecticut. By population — the county had nearly 45,000 residents based on a 2024 estimate by the U.S. Census Bureau — it’s smaller than a few dozen Washington cities.
It heavily favored President Donald Trump in the 2024 election, giving him 55.7% of the county’s votes to Democrat Kamala Harris’ 40.8%. However, several precincts within the county went for Harris, including those in the Methow Valley where Twisp is located.
Those protesting in Okanogan County want to call attention to how Trump’s policies from the other Washington will affect one of the state’s poorest counties: As of 2023, Okanogan County’s personal income per capita was $52,446, putting it in the bottom 28% of all counties statewide, according to figures from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis.
As a result, many residents here are dependent on programs such as Medicaid and Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), both of which will receive massive cuts under the budget reconciliation bill passed by Congress and signed into law by Trump in early July. (continued on Page 2 or here)
By William FoegeWilliam, Roper, David Satcher, Jeffrey Koplan, Richard Besser, Tom Frieden, Anne Schuchat, Rochelle P. Walensky and Mandy K. Cohen – in the NYT Opinion Section
The authors previously led in the C.D.C., as directors or acting directors under Republican and Democratic administrations.
We have each had the honor and privilege of serving as director of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, either in a permanent or an acting capacity, dating back to 1977. Collectively, we spent more than 100 years working at the C.D.C., the world’s pre-eminent public health agency. We served under multiple Republican and Democratic administrations — every president from Jimmy Carter to Donald Trump — alongside thousands of dedicated staff members who shared our commitment to saving lives and improving health.
What the health and human services secretary, Robert F. Kennedy Jr., has done to the C.D.C. and to our nation’s public health system over the past several months — culminating in his decision to fire Dr. Susan Monarez as C.D.C. director days ago — is unlike anything we had ever seen at the agency and unlike anything our country had ever experienced.
Mr. Kennedy has fired thousands of federal health workers and severely weakened programs designed to protect Americans from cancer, heart attacks, strokes, lead poisoning, injury, violence and more. Amid the largest measles outbreak in the United States in a generation, he’s focused on unproven treatments while downplaying vaccines. He canceled investments in promising medical research that will leave us ill prepared for future health emergencies. He replaced experts on federal health advisory committees with unqualified individuals who share his dangerous and unscientific views. He announced the end of U.S. support for global vaccination programs that protect millions of children and keep Americans safe, citing flawed research and making inaccurate statements. And he championed federal legislation that will cause millions of people with health insurance through Medicaid to lose their coverage. Firing Dr. Monarez — which led to the resignations of top C.D.C. officials — adds considerable fuel to this raging fire.
We are worried about the wide-ranging impact that all these decisions will have on America’s health security. Residents of rural communities and people with disabilities will have even more limited access to health care. Families with low incomes who rely most heavily on community health clinics and support from state and local health departments will have fewer resources available to them. Children risk losing access to lifesaving vaccines because of the cost.
This is unacceptable, and it should alarm every American, regardless of political leanings.
The C.D.C. is an agency under Health and Human Services. During our C.D.C. tenures, we did not always agree with our leaders, but they never gave us reason to doubt that they would rely on data-driven insights for our protection or that they would support public health workers. We need only look to Operation Warp Speed during the first Trump administration — which produced highly effective and safe vaccines that saved millions of lives during the Covid-19 pandemic — as a shining example of what Health and Human Services can accomplish when health and science are at the forefront of its mission.
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The current department leadership, however, operates under a very different set of rules. When Mr. Kennedy administered the oath of office to Dr. Monarez on July 31, he called her “a public health expert with unimpeachable scientific credentials.” But when she refused weeks later to rubber-stamp his dangerous and unfounded vaccine recommendations or heed his demand to fire senior C.D.C. staff members, he decided she was expendable.
These are not typical requests from a health secretary to a C.D.C. director. Not even close. None of us would have agreed to the secretary’s demands, and we applaud Dr. Monarez for standing up for the agency and the health of our communities.
When the C.D.C. was created in 1946, the average life expectancy in the United States was around 66 years. Today it is more than 78 years. While medical advances have helped, it is public health that has played the biggest role in improving both the length and the quality of life in our nation. The C.D.C. has led efforts to eradicate smallpox, increase access to lifesaving vaccinations and significantly reduce smoking rates. The agency is also on the front lines in communities across the country, delivering crucial but often less visible wins — such as containing an outbreak of H.I.V. cases in Scott County, Ind., and protecting residents in East Palestine, Ohio, from toxic chemical exposure.
The C.D.C. is not perfect. What institution is? But over its history, regardless of which party has controlled the White House or Congress, the agency has not wavered from its mission. To those on the C.D.C. staff who continue to perform their jobs heroically in the face of the excruciating circumstances, we offer our sincere thanks and appreciation. Their ongoing dedication is a model for all of us. But it’s clear that the agency is hurting badly. The loss of Dr. Monarez and other top leaders will make it far more difficult for the C.D.C. to do what it has done for about 80 years: work around the clock to protect Americans from threats to their lives and health.
We have a message for the rest of the nation as well. This is a time to rally to protect the health of every American. Congress must exercise its oversight authority over Health and Human Services. State and local governments must fill funding gaps where they can. Philanthropy and the private sector must step up their community investments. Medical groups must continue to stand up for science and truth. Physicians must continue to support their patients with sound guidance and empathy.
And each of us must do what public health does best: look out for one another.
The men and women who have joined the C.D.C. across generations have done so not for prestige or power but because they believe deeply in the call to service. They deserve a health and human services secretary who stands up for health, supports science and has their back. So, too, does our country.